Intimate partner violence IPV against women is highly prevalent globally, and is associated with adverse health outcomes, including depression. Though women living in low- and middle-income countries LMICs face a larger burden of IPV, little is known about whether IPV increases the risk of depression among non-pregnant women and in contexts of high prevalence. Within the setting of rural Bangladesh, this study examined the relationship between the severity of marital IPV against women and the risk of depression. Multivariable log-binomial regression models were used to estimate the association between the severity of IPV operationalized as the frequency of different acts of psychological, physical, and sexual abuse, as well as injury due to IPV and risk of major depressive episode MDE using the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale EPDS. One in six women Past year IPV was endemic; psychological
This paper aims offer a benchmark by providing an of women's experiences with domestic violence in Bangladesh and develops illustrations on coping with abuse.
A case study de was adopted, applying an emic perspective in employing a qualitative research approach to explore and describe women's experiences with and perceptions about domestic violence and their ways of coping in Sherpur District, Bangladesh. In total 25 recently married women participants were purposively sampled by snowballing.
In-depth interview data facilitated a latent thematic content analysis. The findings indicate that women adopt a range of responses to domestic violence. Two key aspects of coping surfaced in the narratives: 1 emotion-driven and 2 problem-driven approaches to abusive situations.
Findings point to a range of research issues that require further study such as domestic violence and taboo; somatization; structural gender inequalities; bangladesh perpetrators; family dynamics and the intersections of these issues and contexts. A more proactive way of coping resulted in resilience amidst an abusive environment, whereas passive ways of coping led to a life in distress.
It is important however, to understand woman of coping as a continuum rather than a dichotomy. Published in the Journal of Health Research. Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article for both commercial and non-commercial purposessubject to full attribution to the original publication and authors.
Domestic violence makes women in families and societies captive, whether through physical, financial, psychological or partner abuse or any combination of these. Women experiencing domestic violence face both short and long-term physical, psychological, and social consequences impacting their health and well-being. The precursors and effects of domestic violence against women in South Asian societies are well-documented [ 2 — 12 ]. The literature offers a variety of theories concerning domestic violence against women. In the context of this study, the social learning theory, the family systems theory and the seeking theory were informative.
From a socio-cultural perspective, deep-rooted patriarchy in Bangladesh places women as subservient under male domination and is commonly reflected through violence against them. Domestic violence is attributed to the husband's and in-laws' desire to control behavior and reassert their authority when challenged. Moreover, violence against women is often considered legitimate by the community [ 3 ]. The constitution of Bangladesh guarantees equal rights for men and women in all spheres of state and public life.
However, the common practice to this day of abusing and harming women in Bangladesh does not reflect a commitment to enforce the protection of women's rights. Notwithstanding deep-rooted abuse, women in Bangladesh often seem to cope despite the negative impact of the abuse they have experienced. Studies adopting an emic perspective of victimized women in dominant patriarchal South Asian societies are scarce. Sex the context of various conceptualizations on domestic violence against women, the question was, where is the voice of women in this debate?
Coping with domestic violence: women's voices in bangladesh
It was unclear how Bangladeshi women coped with domestic violence and this was deemed a void worth exploring. Coping strategies take various forms. The literature tends to divide these forms into proactive and reactive pairs [ 14 ]; problem-focused coping and avoidance coping [ 15 ] and passive coping versus active coping [ 16 ]. In some studies, proactive coping was associated with a lower level of distress and was considered preferable over passive coping [ 17 ]. Other studies focused on areas where women cannot effectively resist violence while living in a dominant patriarchal context and where violence against women is embedded in the societal fabric, a carefully tailored combination of active and passive strategies is considered to be more effective in mitigating violence and avoiding counterproductive consequences of challenging the situation [ 18,19 ].
However, other studies that examined coping mechanisms among women in rural versus urban settings found that problem-focused coping became more action-oriented by seeking help due to service accessibility, community and sociocultural factors within the urban environment [ 21 ]. Given the prevalence of domestic violence in Bangladesh, it is important to understand how young married women cope with domestic violence as the findings could inform community-based initiatives in the Bangladeshi context.
This paper provides an of the impact of abuse on recently married women in Bangladesh and examines women's coping mechanisms to understand how women's interpretations of the abusive situation influenced their decisions to deal with abuse. The findings aimed to provide a benchmark in understanding women's coping strategies relating to abusive domestic situations and offers in sights in to potential pathways to respond to young married women's needs.
This study adopted a case study de [ 22 ], applying an emic perspective in employing a qualitative research approach [ 23 ] to explore and describe women's experiences with and perceptions of domestic violence and their ways of coping. Because of its focus on the family context, the diversity of interactions, and the exploration of a social phenomenon, a case study approach was deemed most suitable [ 24,25 ].
Women residing in Sherpur District, Bangladesh participated in this study. This site was selected because 1 the Sherpur community is comparable to other districts in the country; and 2 the researcher grew-up in Sherpur, was known by villagers, and was well-acquainted with the socio-cultural context, which enabled access to women.
In addition, 3 the researcher spoke the local dialect which helped establish rapport with participants. Given the taboo surrounding domestic violence against women, identification of potential participants became a challenge, hence snowball sampling was employed. The median age of marriage for women in Bangladesh was Based on these factors, this study included married women between 18 and 25 years of age who experienced domestic violence but excluded women who self-reported suffering from a mental disorder.
The first participants were identified by development workers in the locality. To minimize sampling bias, the first participants came from multiple villages for exponential discriminative snowballing. Sampling continued until saturation was reached.
At marriage, young women move in with their in-laws. On ing their in-laws, newly-wed women are positioned at the bottom of the family hierarchy, while the husband often remains loyal to his family, making his wife susceptible to abuse. Only over time when sisters-in-law move out and in-law parents grow older and become more dependent do married women gain status within the family.
In-depth interviews with 25 women who experienced domestic violence were facilitated by a semi-structured questionnaire against the background of family systems and feminist theory, and were conducted in Bengali between October and January The sampled women in Sherpur District were invited to participate in a study about domestic violence. Before obtaining informed consent, the researcher explained the purpose of the project, answered participants' questions, and requested permission to audio-record the interview.
Interviews were conducted at times and places convenient to the participants while ensuring privacy.
Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, translated into English, and a random sample was independently back-translated into Bengali. The data included jotted notes, interview transcripts, and the researcher's reflective diary.
Personal identifiers were removed and replaced with interview codes to ensure confidentiality.
An inductive thematic latent content analysis was applied throughout the data collection stage. This analysis, based on a constructionist perspective, assisted in the development of a thematic map [ 28 ]. The thematic analysis provided a flexible approach that could be modified for the needs of the study [ 29 ]. Interview transcripts were coded, and coded data served as the basis to create and themes [ 30 ]. While thematic analysis is flexible, this flexibility can lead to inconsistencies when developing themes during the analysis. Therefore, consistency was promoted by employing the family systems and feminist and coping theories to underpin the study's claims [ 31 ].
All through the coding stage, were identified and developed using the following techniques: 1 verbatim analysis of the data and generation ofand 2 comparison between individual cases and that were grouped into themes based on similar incidents [ 32 ]. Throughout the analysis process, outcomes were triangulated across participants to identify cross-validation and or discrepancy.
The authors had no conflict of interest to report. A total of 25 women participated in this study, with the majority between 20 and 25 years of age.
Women's attitude towards wife-beating and its relationship with reproductive healthcare seeking behavior: a countrywide population survey in bangladesh
All participants were members of the Muslim community. A total of 10 participants lived in rural areas and 15 lived in suburban areas.
All women were married and 22 of them had children. All participants were literate, among them, 4 were university graduates, 19 completed secondary school, and 2 had no formal education. In terms of occupation, 2 participants were government employees while 23 women were housewives. Among the housewives, 11 reported contributing to the family income by sewing clothes, engaging in animal husbandry responsibilities or by working at other people's houses during harvesting time.
Participants believed that men were more important to society as they generated an income. On the contrary, when women generated income they were not treated as equally important.
Respondents explained that there was very little flexibility for women. Commonly, their in-laws and husbands controlled almost every aspect of their domestic life. The women described that verbal and physical abuse was considered normal and socially acceptable. Scolding, shouting at the wife for very small reasons. Using very bad language. Not only my husband would do it, but also my mother-in-law, father-in-law, sister-in-law, and brother-in-law. My mother-in-law would keep on complaining to my husband until he husband beat me up.
He had to beat me up, or at least shout at me for my pd mistakes to make his mother happy. Once I tried to defend myself and he kicked me because I spoke, I fell onto the ground.
All participants stated that they felt neglected. They claimed that they were not valued by their respective husbands and their in-laws. As one woman observed: Being a woman, we commonly experience physical and psychological tortures. Neglect about one's needs too. Neglect and maltreatment are very common things here.
So common that no one will take it seriously. If women were not able to give birth to a male child, or unable to have children, interviewees explained that it would be highly likely that their husband would divorce them or take a second wife. If women gave birth to several girls, they were threatened with divorce by their husbands and in-laws.